Showing posts with label natural resources. Show all posts
Showing posts with label natural resources. Show all posts

Thursday, 3 December 2009

For a glittering glimpse of tough-dug gold, there will be blood


My parents arrive, Deet-drenched and eager, on fire with expectations but justifiably half-broken by their first taste of African heat.

I want them to feel safe. But in a misjudged moment of truth, I reveal that a woman I know in Accra has day guards, night guards, armed guards, panic buttons, guard dogs and sensors set off by a cotton moth’s gossamer wings.

They look around for our security staff, spotting caretaker Jonas, ex-pro footballer but lately all bulging hernia and crooked leg. He’s wearing cracked spectacles he’s too proud to have us replace. “We’re fine with him, he says nothing happens round here,” I say.

Jonas flops the papers onto the breakfast table. “Bloody Weekend: Boy Beheaded, Woman Killed & Four Armed Robbers Gunned Down” reads the splash.

My timing for the safety chat seems wide of the mark. I make a hurried concession, announcing plans to buy a dog, and we look at the photos in the paper.

Here is a handcuffed man, in whose lap is cradled a dead 6-year-old boy. The child is his nephew, whose eye and ear he pierced before beheading him.

Next to it Rita Baah, 30, raped by her priest when she went to receive “spiritual soap to make her make her more beautiful and extraordinarily attractive to men”. He finished her off with a mauling hammer, then draped her body across his tiny moped to dump it.

Under these, four dead men, faces uncovered, shot by police following an armed robbery in the Ashante region in central Ghana.

“I thought Ghana was a happy place” says my mother. By the end of her stay, she’ll be in no doubt that it is, but for now, she’s focussed on the papers.

I try to think of a time in the past two weeks that The Daily Graphic has arrived without pictures of the dead, but it’s a struggle.

Days earlier, the paper was the first to publish a photo of 14 women and children from Dompoase in western Ghana, laid out still-clothed in a mortuary when an illegal mine where they worked collapsed as they clawed into the hillside for gold.

Ghana police called it the country’s biggest mining tragedy, but the data doesn't seem to verify that. In 2007, 18 miners were killed while 30 others went missing when an illegal gold mine caved in west of Accra. In total 15 bodies were found at the latest accident at Dompoase, but the police said more would be recovered.

Everyone’s heard of Ghana’s gold (it accounts for more than 90% of the country's total mineral exports with revenues last year reaching $2.2bn), but less known is the human cost as small scale, artisanal miners known as Galamsey tear at the gold beneath their feet to recover small portions of the riches exiting the country in multinational hands.

For while the ground is rich, just 3% of the profits it generates are thought to come back into Ghanaian hands.

Many of the Galamsey were once farmers, working fertile land that could support harvests of tomatoes, plantain and cocoa for generations. When Ghanaian officials sold the rights to the gold to multinational companies, the farmers were evicted for the price of a single harvest.

Now they claw back what they can in rivers and makeshift mines owned by small local operators, some licensed, some not. The mine at Dompoase was illegal, but the owner died with the others so no questions could be asked.

Much of it happens in the river basins, rich with alluvial gold, using mercury which seeps through food and water causing mutations and afflictions so scarcely understood its witnesses claim evidence of witchcraft, its victims ostracised or killed.

In the mines, people work, eat and sleep in stifling conditions, in humidity and darkness with temperatures hovering around 38°C and brutality from mine owners rampant.

There was shock in Ghana was it emerged that almost all who died at Dompoase were women, but in the 45 African nations where this activity happens, up to 50% of the miners are thought to be female, according to Community and Small Scale Mining, a networking group chaired by the UK’s Department for International Development.

In some places, such as the Democratic Republic of Congo, CASM says the participation of women is much higher. There, it’s illegal for children to work in the mines, but one million of them do, their mothers subjected to some of the worst rape and sexual abuse in the world by security forces and militia that control the extraction activities.

Last month, the Minister for Women and Children's Affairs in Ghana, Akua Sena Dansu, called for a clampdown on women’s participation in Galamsey. In a statement to parliament, she touched on the NGO’s findings, putting it bluntly saying the “major contributing factor to the involvement of women in illegal mining activities, is the irresponsible nature of some men”.

The women mine in backbreaking, filthy conditions, frequently with the twin load of young baby and unborn child in the cycle of relentless pregnancy that dominates poor communities.

To supplement the family income, they take second jobs. CASM found that in one mining community in Kenya, 70% of the women have sexually transmitted diseases from sex work to boost earnings because their husbands spend the money elsewhere.

That inescapable sex inequality’s rampant throughout Accra. We watch it as we take a cab that afternoon to visit an American who’s selling Alsatians.

Amid our congealing trail of traffic, women street vendors come with heavy burdens of necessities. They're carried on heads in baskets and buckets that load multi-kilo force on bodies already bearing infants on front or back.

The men carry light loads of commercial long shots: chest expanders, Barbies and Santas wrapped in warm red coats for the 34 degree heat. I can’t recall seeing one with a heavy headbasket of anything.

Interviewed by the BBC, the women who sell in these conditions said they felt lucky they were not forced to work in the mine at Dompoase, but standing amid lines of crumbling tro-tros in thick-baked air, their lots don’t look much more fortunate.

Turning his gaze from this economic adversity, my father says: “Do you think the oil will be any different from the gold?”

He’s been an oilman all his life, and is in no doubt that the wranglings between China the UK and America for control of the Ghanaian oil discovered by an Irish company that promises years of work for riggers from the Middle East and India looks set to repeat the curse of the extractive industry that’s characterised the gold rush for years.

“Depends whether Ghana gets involved” I say, explaining the Ghana National Petroleum Company’s plans to scramble finance to keep the others out of the way.

A few yards on we buy three apples from a (male) street vendor, paying a heavily-inflated white man’s price and reducing his load by a third. As we sit in the snarl-up, we watch him return to a woman with a bulging bucket of apples on her head, twenty times his own load, to replenish his stock before moving back into the superheated, stinking, movable junkyard to sell them.


Sunday, 18 October 2009

Niger, the unreported Guinea of West Africa


On Tuesday October 20, Niger, a vast uranium-rich state in West Africa, will see the final swing of President Mamadou Tandja's constitutional wrecking-ball.

Tandja changed his country's constitution so that he could hold a referendum which, naturally enough, gave him an overwhelming mandate to serve another three years in office on top of the normal two-term limit. Niger's supreme court ruled that Tandja's referendum was unconstitutional, so he shut it down. And to make sure nothing else got in the way, he dissolved the national assembly in case it tried to forestall his patriotic destiny.

The umbrella opposition group, Coordination of Democratic Forces of the Republic, is boycotting the election, saying it's not only illegal but will be rigged so that President Tandja can pack it with cronies. And what might a national assembly packed with Tandja's supporters do? Approving unlimited terms for their man would be a good one to start with.

Does the the rest of the world care enough to impose sanctions? Not really, and this is the menace.

Africa's wealth of natural resources leads to an inevitable hypocrisy among countries with the wealth to tap them.

Take Guinea, for example. Here is a bauxite-rich country in West Africa where soldiers of the military government led by Captain Moussa Dadis Camara killed more than 150 opposition demonstrators on September 28. ­­

Last week Ecowas, the sometimes ineffectual Economic Community of West African States, met in Nigerian capital Abuja and imposed an arms embargo on Guinea as a result of the killings.

The problem is that Guinea already has plenty of weapons. When your enemy is unarmed civilians, you don't need sophisticated military hardware. AK-47s and men willing to use them is enough. And does anyone really think Guinea buys weapons from West Africa? Go north a bit and think Ukraine.

And to prove that Guinea is in good shape, the China International Fund, a private vehicle, is planning an eye-watering $7bn investment - almost the country's entire GDP - for infrastructure, mining and oil.
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A leader in The Observer today asks whether China will earn more respect in Africa than the west did during centuries of trade, subjugation and exploitation. (What it doesn't touch on is why Africa is unable to capitalise on its own natural resources. That is a big subject, requiring courage to write, and is for another day.)

The Economist says the Chinese investment "mocks human rights in Africa".

But what will be said about Niger, where an absence of bloodspill has kept it largely off the western news agenda, but where opposition supporters started gathering today against Tandja's rule? Few reporters are based there and even western news rooms have trouble remembering whether it's part of Nigeria, the Niger Delta or somewhere else (it's somewhere else).

The Chinese know where it is.

In July, Reuters Africa reported that the country had struck a $5bn deal with Chinese state-owned oil company CNPC to produce oil and build a refinery. A planned multi-billion dollar pipeline across the Sahara is also due to pass through Niger.

So does France, which relies on Niger for energy security, and which could be a boost to Tandja's confidence. A meeting this summer between Nicolas Sarkozy and Tandja (pictured together above) resulted in French nuclear giant Areva building a $1.69bn uranium mine in northern Niger.

Alex Vines, head of the Africa programme at think-tank Chatham House told Reuters
in July that one-third of French nuclear power, which supplies nearly 90% of the country's electricity, comes from Niger's uranium. "(On) energy security, a different logic kicks in" he said.

For its part, France said in July that there was no mixed message, and that it was not satisfied with Tandja's referendum plans.

Despite last week throwing its weight behind Ecowas' arms sanctions in Guinea, France has remained silent so far on Niger.

And so has the western media. Maybe reporters are still consulting maps. Or maybe they are waiting for the "pavement jam", expat reporter speak for bloodshed.
 
Afrigator